Brooklyn Borough President Antonio Reynoso has established himself as a strong advocate for increasing housing in New York City. However, his appointee to the City Planning Commission, Juan Osorio, has consistently voted against major housing proposals.
Osorio was the only commissioner to oppose the City of Yes for Economic Opportunity last year. He also voted against the City of Yes for Housing Opportunity six months later, which was initially projected to add 110,000 homes but was later reduced by the City Council to 82,000.
In 2025, Osorio opposed rezonings in Atlantic Avenue (Brooklyn), Midtown South (Manhattan), and downtown Jamaica (Queens). These projects are expected to result in 27,000 new homes. The initiatives passed with a combined vote of 33-5; only Leah Goodridge, an appointee of Public Advocate Jumaane Williams, joined Osorio in voting no.
Osorio did support the Bronx Metro-North Station Area rezoning, which could add 7,000 units. However, his general pattern has been opposition.
At Planning Commission meetings, Osorio has expressed concerns about potential negative impacts from development. He has called for extensive studies on every possible effect and emphasized preserving manufacturing jobs and ensuring affordability.
During debate over Midtown South rezoning—where he cast the sole “no” vote—Osorio said: “But these are New Yorkers who rely on these jobs to be able to afford housing in the city.” This referred to a scenario where up to 5,300 jobs might be displaced from the Garment District over 15 years. An environmental impact statement had concluded this impact would be insignificant given that Manhattan hosts about four million daily workers.
As a former senior planner at the Municipal Art Society, Osorio is familiar with past efforts to preserve manufacturing zoning in areas like the Garment District. Despite such protections by previous politicians, most textile jobs have left or disappeared over time and buildings have emptied out. Had earlier rezoning occurred, it is argued that more investment could have come into Midtown South real estate.
Similar arguments were made by Osorio when opposing Jamaica’s rezoning—a project anticipated to create 12,000 homes including 4,000 affordable units.
The decline of manufacturing jobs despite preserved industrial zoning is notable: from one million positions half a century ago down to just over 50,000 today. Some local leaders argue that while some industrial activity remains necessary—and special zones exist for this purpose—the broader trend requires flexibility so new industries can emerge as older ones fade.
Reynoso agrees with protecting some industrial spaces but sees limitations: “Fifty percent of Brooklyn hasn’t built any housing since 1968,” he said during a phone interview. He pointed out neighborhoods such as Sheepshead Bay and Bay Ridge as examples where little development has occurred due to political resistance.
He added: “We need to be realistic about what City of Yes for Housing Opportunity is and what it is not… It is not an affordability strategy.”
Despite their differences on specific votes—such as Osorio’s opposition due to perceived insufficient affordability mandates—Reynoso maintains that his appointees act independently: “I don’t have any puppets,” he stated. “The mayor’s appointees are all rubber stampers. What Osorio is doing is making the Department of City Planning work. He’s challenging them to do better.”
Reynoso also commented on shifting attitudes among progressives regarding housing policy: “The progressives are leading the pro-housing movement… They were scared of gentrification. But we got new data.”
He concluded that further study may not be needed; instead action should focus on increasing housing supply.
